Labour Migration in Central Asia
Labour migration within Central Asia brings benefits to both receiving countries such as Kazakhstan and the poorer sending countries, but both sides could profit even more if regulation challenges were met.
In the decade of economic crisis in Central Asia following the breakup of the Soviet Union, all of the newly independent republics – Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan – were migrant sending countries. The departure of a large number of qualified specialists in the 1990s resulted in a brain drain that is still felt in the region today.
Kazakhstan’s economy was the first to find itself on the road to recovery. Around the year 2000 it emerged as an attractive destination for labour migrants from other Central Asian countries. Disparities in economic development and standards of living, as well as geographic closeness and visa free travel (with some exceptions) within the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) encouraged workers from neighbouring Central Asian countries, where the supply of labour was excessive and the wages low, to migrate not only to Russia but also to its southern neighbour.
In the mid-2000s, over one million people were coming to Kazakhstan annually as labour migrants, contributing an estimated ten to 12 per cent to the country’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Although their number has dropped in recent years due to the economic slowdown, Kazakhstan continues to benefit economically from the presence of migrant workers. The sending countries are benefiting, too. According to the World Bank, remittances transferred officially to the poorest Central Asian countries, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, in 2013 constituted 32 and 49 per cent of their GDP, respectively; the value of money and goods brought in unofficially is even higher.
A considerable share of the economically active population of the Central Asian countries is working abroad: in Uzbekistan, the most populous, 20 per cent are working in Russia, Kazakhstan or a Western country. The emigration of excess workers balances local labour markets, preventing social tension and unrest. For migrants, the major gain from working abroad is an improvement of their family’s economic situation. They also gain professional and social experience and are likely to get better jobs upon returning to their home country.
Regulation Remains a Challenge
While the benefits of labour migration in Central Asia are beyond doubt, it is to a large extent an irregular phenomenon. The widespread provisions for visa-free travel and the geographical proximity between countries in the region stimulate spontaneous, temporary and circular migration, which is often seasonal. The level of legal awareness among migrants is generally low. They may arrive in the host country legally, but are often employed illegally, without an employment contract. That leaves them without social protection and the state without tax revenues from their work. There is a need for provisions that stimulate legal temporary employment, including simplified entry and exit procedures.
Kazakhstan took an important step towards legalizing irregular migrant workers when it passed an amnesty law in 2006 granting legal status for three years to migrants who had arrived in the country before June of that year. One hundred and sixty-five thousand irregular labour migrants had been legalized by the end of 2006, a great achievement for Kazakhstan and a unique experience in the CIS. In 2013, Kazakhstan amended a number of national laws on the recruitment of house workers, again permitting the legalization of a considerable share of formerly irregular migrants and at the same time increasing the state budget through migrants’ tax payments. But these are exceptions in Central Asia. Generally, the institutional basis for migration in Central Asia remains weak. National legislation is insufficiently developed and does not always comply with international standards.
There is also a need for better institutionalization of recruitment mechanisms so that migrants can more easily access the labour market of destination countries. Currently, labour migration is organized mostly by migrants’ own support networks. According to a survey conducted by the author in 2005, 31 per cent of labour migrants in Kazakhstan found a job through friends and acquaintances, 22 per cent through relatives and 20 per cent on their own. By contrast, only five to seven per cent were employed through recruitment agencies. Illegal employment networks prevail, with middlemen operating in spontaneous and black labour markets. Self-regulation of recruitment and employment could be facilitated by a free and easily accessible electronic database of available jobs.
Respect for migrant workers’ rights is crucial for legal and civilized migration, but they are routinely violated. A sociological survey conducted in Kazakhstan by the author in 2011 revealed massive violations of migrants’ labour and social rights. Forty-seven point five per cent had experienced employers refusing to sign a job contract or formalize their legal status, 53.5 per cent had received wages with delay, 17.8 per cent not at all. Twelve point nine per cent had been forced to do unpaid work; 30.7 per cent had had their passports confiscated; 41.6 per cent had been prohibited from leaving their work place and 17.8 per cent denied access to medical services. Social infrastructures in the destination countries are inadequate. The system of property rental in Kazakhstan, for example, remains largely undeveloped. There is a need for kindergartens, schools and health care services, as well as a system by which migrants could upgrade their professional skills.
Co-operation between governments and civil society in addressing migration and other issues is insufficient – a legacy of the totalitarian past. A dialogue, which should also include international organizations, experts and media, is needed to explore possible new mechanisms of co-operation on labour mobility and migration governance. These mechanisms could include working groups for drafting laws, public hearings, monitoring of law implementation and programme and project assessment missions. There should be a special focus on research, awareness-raising, influencing public opinion and advocacy campaigns on issues concerning migrants and their contribution to communities and national economies.
Countries of origin need to be even more active than destination countries in managing labour migration. They should provide pre-departure professional and language training, create legal awareness and provide information about the destination country’s culture and traditions. Labour market access should be provided publically and free of charge, not only through migrant networks.
Policy responses
In spite of these challenges, there have been positive initiatives in migration governance that deserve consideration and dissemination. Kazakhstan, in addition to the 2006 migration amnesty and the 2013 legal amendments noted above, has signed a number of readmission agreements and bilateral agreements with Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan on regulating labour migration and protecting migrants’ rights. Agreements on the protection of migrants’ economic and social rights have been signed within the framework of the CIS and the Eurasian Union.
This experience can be useful for Russia and other countries that host a large number of irregular migrants. Making the most of it calls for continued trans-border co-operation between ministries, governmental agencies, experts, non-governmental and international organizations, including the International Organization for Migration, the International Labour Organization and the OSCE.
Dr Yelena Sadovskaya is an International Consultant on Migration and Migration Policies in Kazakhstan and Central Asia based in Almaty, Kazakhstan. She is a member of the Global Migration Policy Associates in Geneva.